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A strategic thought on improving Indian-Chinese relations
10 August 2017, 01:58 | Darrell Baldwin
Illustration Ajit Ninan
The state-run Global Times also said the outcome of a possible military conflict, which was "unavoidable" if Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi keeps "ignoring" China's warnings, was "fixed".
"The government has itself admitted that China had entered into our territory 240 times previous year but did not take any step to check it", he said.
It is fundamentally different in nature from past frictions between the border troops of the two sides at an undefined part of the boundary.
India is for a simultaneous withdrawal from Doklam, which, it says, belongs to its other neighbour Bhutan.
The aspects of tri-junction (Sino-Bhutan-India) points along Sikkim and India-China boundary alignment in the Sikkim sector remain unsettled and was referred in a written common understanding between the SRs in December 2012.
It alleged that Indian troops were illegally staying in Chinese territory after illegally crossing the border on June 18.
This is published unedited from the IANS feed. India used its relationship with Bhutan to justify the presence of its troops - maintaining that Indian troops were in Bhutanese territory with permission from the Bhutanese state. However, India never replied to China until the standoff broke out.
The India-China border stand-off has now gone on for 50 days and is still unresolved.
China's top diplomat on the boundary issue, Wang Wenli, told a visiting Indian media delegation that Bhutan has conveyed to Beijing through the diplomatic channels that the area of the standoff is not its territory.
-Do you think the issue is affecting the way you look at China?
China's senior officials had also taken exception to the hegemonic conduct of New Delhi government which has "become habitual of treating the countries of South Asia as its satellites or low-category states".
Refusing to accede to India's request to withdraw the troops simultaneously, China asked India as to what if it entered the Kalapani region in Uttarakhand or Kashmir creating further tension in the region. Some Indian observers have also urged their country to take an aggressive stance against China. By the beginning of the 1970s, China did soften its approach to Bhutan and many of its claims on Bhutanese territory stopped appearing on Chinese maps. Where once was a seat of power that commanded enough respect to intervene, today stands a house divided, and because of the chaos, China has been able to flex her already considerable muscle on Doklam, a region disputed by Bhutan and China. Authorities in Kathmandu still resent the fact that PM Modi and President Jinping made a decision to mention Lipulekh in their joint statement of May 2015 without the two countries having consulted Nepal.
"This kind of reports represents the view of the media and think-tanks", Ren pointed out straightforwardly.
In 1966, it was believed that the Chinese intrusion into Doklam was an attempt to force Bhutan into a bilateral border negotiation, without Indian involvement.
Bruce Riedel, a former Central Intelligence Agency analyst who is now working with the Brookings Institute - a Washington-based think-tank -has argued that the India-china standoff has enormous consequences for the world and while neither side has asked for American intervention, the American interests are very much at stake.
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